tango

Throughout history, peoples from all parts of the world have developed unique and creative ways of expressing themselves. Just as our modern world is depicted and expressed through various arts and media, eras of the past have born creations that communicate the human condition as it was experienced then. Such a phenomenon is evidence of the depth of the human experience, an experience so immense and diverse that humans have devoted countless hours seeking to reflect it in their art. Though each culture creates unique forms, a pervasive commonality crosses all oceans and borders, the necessity to express oneself and one’s culture in abstract and symbolic ways.

From this creative instinct comes art, be it poetry, sculpture, music, or dance. Although these creative modes are each valid as individual forms of human expression, music and dance are unique in that they are inextricably bound to one another. That is not to say that one could not exist without the other, but the two so commonly occur together that they have inevitably played roles in one another’s development. Furthermore, both are certainly among the more abstract and inaccessible of the arts. Through paintings and sculptures we perceive cognizant images, which we can contemplate. In poetry and other literary forms we read and re-read, weighing the possible interpretations. With music and dance, however, the experience is temporal, of the moment. We cannot ruminate on one note or step whilst we wait for the next one to occur. To do so would be futile nonetheless, since such an event by itself means nothing. The events of music and dance are perceived in time, their sequence and duration out of the perceiver’s control; yet their symbolism is every bit as strong as that of a painting or a piece of literature. While the written word is arguably the most accessible means of gaining insight into a culture’s values, beliefs, and struggles, music and dance can paint a similar picture; or perhaps an even more vivid one. Within the realm of art, existing genres influence and stimulate the emergence of new genres. When current modes of expression become insufficient to express the culture’s condition, new modes appear. Such was the case in late 19^th century Argentina.

In the late 19^th century, Argentina experienced a myriad of changes, finding itself amidst various social and political struggles. Newly arriving immigrants from Europe competed for limited resources with the native populations. Technological advancements in living and industry left many people unemployed, forcing them to adapt to a new way of life. Farmers and ranchers struggled as the railroad industry brought new means of transporting goods. And a nation comprised primarily of immigrants sought a national identity.

The tango emerged from these conditions in the last quarter of the 19^th century. Originally a despised and unpopular dance, it obtained a popularity so large that it would eventually become a national Argentine symbol and a form of entertainment for scores of people around the world. Yet to understand the true nature of the tango, one must look past the sensationalism.

Immediately apparent to an observer of the tango is the idea of struggle. Man and woman dance in an aggressive-submissive manner, performing difficult steps and sudden stops while locked in a tight embrace. The symbolic nature of the tango can be interpreted in several ways: the struggle of the man to gain dominance over the woman, the struggle of the oppressor against the oppressed, the struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, or the plight of a multi-national country in search of a national identity. This provocative dichotomy that makes the tango such a unique folk form serves as a symbolic representation of the social, political and cultural conditions of Argentina in the late 19^th and early 20^th centuries. Far more than a pastime, the tango is gender, race, class, and culture; the tango is struggle and survival. It gives a voice to those figures of the past, who were not allowed to express themselves overtly at the time. As such, the tango provides a window to the soul of Argentina.

Several popular dances contributed to and stimulated the emergence of the tango in late 19^th century Argentina. This influence came from both local and foreign sources. European dances like the polka, mazurka, and waltz were popular in Argentina, as were the Cuban habanera and the Argentine milonga. The tango in many ways represents a blending of these dance forms, as well as the cultures that spawned them. The diverse and multifaceted background of the tango is clearly represented in a study of the word itself.

A number of hypotheses exist about the etymology of the word ‘tango.’ Frequently cited, but rarely supported is a theory that the word is onomatopoetic. This theory, as stated in Collier’s Tango: The Dance, The Song, The Story, asserts that the word tango represents the sound of a drum (tan-go), apparently used in the earliest tangos. Several factors question the validity of this theory. First, the drum is not a distinctive instrument in tango music, past or present. The guitar, violin and flute were prominent in early tango music (and the bandoneon in later tangos), but there is little evidence to suggest that any type of drum was used. Second, the milonga, a local form that eventually evolved into the tango, features guitar and sometimes voice, but never a drum. Therefore, it is unlikely that the drum was ever a prominent instrument in early tango music, much less used as an onomatopoetic naming device.

Another slightly more plausible theory, also found in Collier, suggests that ‘tango’ comes from the Portuguese verb ‘tangere,’ which means to touch. There is merit to this theory given that there is a strong Portuguese influence in nearby Brazil and the two countries frequently interacted with one another. However, this theory’s validity is also in question, since the earliest tangos did not involve the close embrace that characterizes the tango today. The embrace would later emerge as a distinctive aspect of tango dancing, but this was after the dance was already known by that name. A word that means ‘to touch’, then, is inappropriate for a dance that did not involve touching.

The most plausible theory proposes that the word is of African origin. In some African languages, tango commonly means “‘closed place,’ or ‘reserved ground’” (Collier 1995, 41). ‘Tango’ was also used to refer to place where slaves convened to dance, or any dance of African origin. In Spain, ‘tango’ referred specifically to dances of African-American[1] origin, and some forms of the habanera were referred to as the tango americano or tango andaluz, long before the Argentine tango ever appeared there. It is, therefore, clear that the word was in use before the dance, as we know it ever emerged. Further credit is give to the African theory by Marta Savigliano. She states, “Black men and women probably initiated the first tango steps in the Rio de la Plata . . . but they did not embrace” (1995, 30). This disproves the theory that ‘tango’ comes from the Portuguese word ‘tangere’. Additionally, bandoneonist Teddy Peiro believes that tango comes from a closely related word “‘tambo’ which is the West African word meaning a place of enjoyment or celebration” (Prince 1990, 31). One must also consider the fact that Buenos Aires played a role in the slave trade. The word ‘tango’ most likely traveled across the Atlantic Ocean via slave ships. Perhaps these other theories emerged as an attempt to disavow this more dismal aspect of Argentina’s past, but given the central role that African-Argentineans played in the tango’s development, this is the most credible, supported theory

While the task of tracing the word’s etymology leads to a definitive source, a study of the dance does not. In fact, the tango is a sort of hybrid dance, exhibiting elements and influences from various European, African, and Latin American dances. Most prominent among these influences is the Argentine milonga.

The milonga originated as a folk song[2] played in the Rio de la Plata region of Argentina (see Appendix A). It was primarily sung and played by rancher/cattle herders known for their rough independence and predilection for tradition. These men were called compadres or gauchos. Historically, milonga texts usually recounted the lives of folk heroes, such as Juan Bautista (see example 1), an Argentine sort of Robin Hood. The milonga later became a means of expressing concern and remorse over the rapidly changing social climate in Argentina. As the popular milonga states:

Example 1. Excerpt from the milonga “A Jaun Bautista Bairoleto” (From: Schecter 1999, 269).

As industrialization spread throughout the country, the compadre faced many challenges. His previously limitless pastures were being fenced in; European immigrants were competing for his resources; and a wave of unemployment was sweeping the region leaving many with feelings of anxiety about an uncertain future. It should be noted that similar conditions existed in Uruguay, which also played a role in the development of the tango and the milonga. As a result, the milonga underwent a transformation. According to Schecter, “The milonga’s primary function is recreational but . . . it [was] transformed into an effective tool in the struggles for reorganization in both [Argentina and Uruguay], with respect to political positions and social demands” (1999, 271). Schecter further acknowledges that there are four types of milongas. Aside from the two previously discussed, he mentions an urban milonga, and a milonga bailada, or danced milonga. While all forms probably influenced the tango in some manner, the milonga pampeana, and the milonga bailada were likely the strongest.

Collier states that, “the habanera and polka stimulated the emergence of the milonga” (1995, 40). This obviously refers to the milonga bailada, since the evidence presented by Schecter clearly shows the milonga and the milonga pampaena existing long before either the habanera or the polka had a strong presence in Buenos Aires. Carlos Jiménez wrote of the tango, “the dance used the sleepy clasp of the Habanera, the crossing of the Milonga, the flashy vertigo of the Fandango and the double beat reminiscent of the drums of the Candombe” (Foil 1994). The exact sequence of events is not certain, but it is clear that various ethnic dances coexisted, and that all of them played some role in the tango’s creation.

While the milonga seems to have had the most influence on the tango, several other forms contributed as well. First, the influence of the candombe (a dance of African origin) cannot be overlooked. The first written account of the tango comes from Argentina’s first popular newspaper Crítica, established in 1913. The author, Viejo Tanguero (Old Tangoer), wrote of Africans in Mondongo improvising “a new dance, which they called the ‘tango’ . . . and which embodied something of the style and the movement of the candombe” (Collier 1995, 44) The candombe was popular among African-Argentineans, and movements from this dance eventually merged with the milonga. Additionally, gauchos (knife-carrying Argentines known for their unique dress and disdain for the law)[3] would frequent the African dance establishments (tangos), learn their dances, and later create parodies of the dances in the barrios of Buenos Aires. As these gauchos mimicked and parodied the African dance, they began incorporating sudden pauses (quebradas) and erratic movements (cortes), as well as various aspects of the milonga and fashionable European dances. This was probably something similar to the minstrel shows that occurred in the United States and Europe, only on the barrio streets of Buenos Aires and Montevideo. Conversely, African-Argentineans were also parodying the Europeans, incorporating close embraces and highly stylized, elegant movements into their dancing. Eventually, this cultural melting pot of dance and musical forms exploded into the tango.

The musical (as opposed to dance) evolution of the tango offers a similarly complex story. Like the dance, the musical form evolved from different genres, both local and foreign. The instruments of early tango music were the guitar, the flute, and the violin. Although modern tangos are usually in minor keys and portray a fairly negative affect, some accounts claim that early tangos were optimistic and cheerful sounding. These early tangos were likely some elaborated version of instrumental milongas. Other reports speak of organ grinders playing the tango in the streets of Buenos Aires. Which came first is not known:

Creoles and immigrants who, on floors of packed earth or brick, translated into dance the musical structures the instruments were elaborating. Or maybe the musicians were putting music to the choreographic movements the body was already developing: the musicologist Carlos Vega has determined that the choreography of the tango was born before its musical form. Dinzel, a dancer of rare talent, who has for years been painstakingly reconstructing the social history of this art, has found additional proof of this theory. Thus it seems that the residents of Buenos Aires first developed a style of dance to complement musical rhythms that came from all over, and only later conceived a single musical form apt at accompanying this dance. (Penón 1988, 26)

It seems likely that this new music was simply in the air, and developing in various parts of the city at the same time. Musicians were probably struggling, experimenting, and searching for a unique sound, one that would differentiate the tango from the milonga and other forms. That differentiation came in the form of an instrument known as the bandoneon.

Invented in Germany by Heinrich Band, the bandoneon reached Buenos Aires on European ships. Sailors would trade or pawn the accordion-like instrument for money or alcohol. Eventually, a few Argentine musicians began learning how to play the instrument and incorporating its pointed, mournful sound into tango music around 1888. This forever changed the future of tango: “With the introduction of the plaintive tones of the bandoneon, the tango [became] sad and lost its earlier joyfulness associated with the flute” (Castro 1990, 126). It was after the incorporation of the bandoneon that tango music began to flourish. Perhaps it was an act of fate that two souls seemingly created for one another’s purpose would find each other. Perhaps it was merely chance. Whatever the case, since that moment when the tango met the bandoneon, or vice versa, the bandoneon has become the music of tango’s most distinctive instrument and symbol.

Once the bandoneon secured its place in tango instrumentation, tango music engaged in a slight departure from the styles that shaped it. A brief analysis of some early tangos, milongas and other musics will further establish their inter-relatedness, as well as provide insight as to how the tango arose from such a plethora of different forms. It must be acknowledged, however, that the dance forms have far more in common than do the musical forms.

The strongest similarity between the habanera and the milonga lies in their rhythmic construction. La Puñalada, a traditional milonga (or tango milonga) features an accompaniment pattern seen in Example 2a, while the habanera accompaniment figure differs by only one sixteenth note (Example 2b). The same rhythmic figure from the habanera (Example 2b) can also be seen in the milonga, Taquito Militar. Additionally, La Puñalada has some European elements. Its lively tempo, duple meter, and formal design bear striking resemblance to several of the European folk forms discussed. The habanera rhythm is heard in other early tangos as well. El Choclo features the habanera rhythm (Example 2b), though not extensively; however, the basic milonga and habanera rhythms are clearly different from the typical tango rhythm found in La Cumparsita[4] (Example 2c). It seems likely then that the music of tango was largely inspired by the dance. Musicians of early tango must have observed the erratic, yet highly structured aspects of the dance and reflected them in their music. The tight, precise rhythm of the tango, with equal emphasis placed on rests, is certainly reminiscent of the sudden pauses (cortes) of tango dancing.[5]

Furthermore, the rhythmic figure so extensively used by Astor Piazzolla in his tango music (Example 2d) is also evident in some earlier tangos such as El Choclo and De Vuelta Y Media, but not in the habanera, milonga, or any of the European forms discussed. The tango then, is not a completely hybrid form. Though it does feature elements of other dance forms, it undoubtedly has unique characteristics, the origins of which are not entirely known. The following table allows for a comparison of the rhythmic figures discussed above.

While this analysis establishes a concrete, factual basis for the tango’s emergence, an examination of the sociological basis is also needed. Argentines were undoubtedly dancing long before the tango appeared. The question that begs to be answered then is: “Why?” Why the tango? Why Argentina? Why the late 19^th century?

Dance finds its way into nearly every society. Dance, like music, is a form of human expression. When we experience music, we experience it physically, psychologically, and physiologically. The sonorities can evoke feelings, perhaps even memories. Dynamic contrasts and tempo fluctuations seemingly lead us through various emotional states. Researchers have even discovered unique ways in which our brain chemistry changes as we experience music. Rhythm impels us to move our bodies. This is as true for the simplistic rhythms of early rock-n-roll as it is for the complex rhythms (talas) of Indian music. When music is experienced physically, the result is some type of body movement, or dance. Those movements often reveal something about us as human beings. Castro states, “Dance as a generic form is very much the epitome of the human condition” (1990, 89). One must assume then, that the tango can reveal something about the ‘human condition’ in late 19^th century Argentina.

The history of Argentina has much in common with other countries in North and South America. All lands and people of the Americas suffered a very similar fate at the hands of European explorers who came to the Western hemisphere to spread the word of Christianity and search for gold. Millions died of diseases like small pox, foreign to their immune systems; others in battle attempting to protect their precious resources and way of life. Since those earliest times of European presence, the Americas have endured many changes. The native inhabitants quickly became the minority race as immigrants sailed across the Atlantic in search of new opportunities and a better way of life.

Although Native Americans had inhabited the Rio de la Plata region for centuries, Spaniards arrived there in 1516 to establish a Spanish colony. This proved a difficult task, for according to Ferns, Juan Díaz de Solís, the first Spanish leader to arrive there was eaten by the local inhabitants (1969, 25). Pedro de Mendoza first established the city of Buenos Aires in 1535, but he and his troops were ousted by the natives. The third attempt by the Spaniards in 1580 to establish a city was successful. The city remained a Spanish colony for several centuries. In the early 1700s its role as a trade center began to develop, Britain and Spain being its main customers. Slaves were a valuable commodity, as were leather and animal hides. Soon, the local government began to grow and became increasingly autonomous, but still operated under direction of the Spanish government. Oddly enough, it was the French Revolution that provided the final breaking point that freed Argentina from the bonds of Spain. On May 25, 1810, as Napoleon was invading Spain, Argentina established an independent committee to temporarily take over Spanish power. This marked the beginning of Argentina as an independent nation. However, “The choice of 1810 as a starting-point is rather arbitrary, for, on the one hand, independence was not formally declared until July 9, 1816, and on the other hand, a national spirit began to take shape in 1806, when the Argentines, without help from Spain, repulsed a British invasion” (Whitaker 1965, 22). This national spirit is witnessed in the poem “The Argentine Triumph,” one of the country’s first nationalistic pieces of literature that recounts the events of the invasion. In spite of the burgeoning national spirit, Argentine life was anything but simple.

In the years following independence, Argentina endured a significant amount of internal struggles. Successive governments struggled to retain power as two distinct factions of individuals arose: modernists and traditionalists. The traditionalists were those Argentines who believed in the ways of the guacho and wished to live a simple, modest lifestyle. The modernists sought to create a country modeled after the United States and industrialized European nations. Both groups were searching for an identity:

Argentine writers have summed up the whole period from 1810 to 1880 as a quest for national self-identification. In general terms this meant the determination of the new state’s political, economic, and social system and its geographical extent. The quest involved a protracted conflict over concrete issues between such opposing forces as those of centralization and decentralization, authoritarianism and democracy, traditionalism and modernization, clericalism and anticlericalism. (Whitaker 1969, 21)

The modernists/traditionalist struggle ensued from the moment of independence until 1880. A series of revolutions occurred, forcing various political leaders out of power, along with their systems of government. New forces took control, only to be ousted by a future revolt. One such government lasted only three months (Whitaker 1964, 26). By 1880, Argentina had a more secure government in tact: an oligarchy that would rule the country for more than thirty years. The modernists had won. The new government offered new securities and opportunities, as well as several policies that would shape the country in the coming years. The most significant of which was the immigration policy.

The entire country, but particularly Buenos Aires, endured a massive influx of immigration under modernist rule, setting the stage for an enduring volatile social climate. According to Castro, “Based on the assumption that the native or Creole[6] (criollo) population was a hindrance to progress as defined by the elite, an elaborate policy of capital importation and massive immigration was developed which would produce by 1910 a country which outwardly was oriented to Europe” (1990, 90). Furthermore, it was believed that immigration, and immigration alone would be sufficient to stimulate the Argentine economy and propel it towards an important position in the world market. Immigration became governmentally promoted and supported. Perhaps it was a means of survival, or perhaps only social preference, but the upper classes of Buenos Aires looked to Europe as the way of the future. The traditional ways of the gaucho seemed too deeply rooted in the past and insufficient for progress in the modern world. Ferns sums up the general disposition of Argentine political leaders of the late 19^th century:

They were all devoted to the rapid economic development of the pastoral and agricultural industries, to the widest expansion of market opportunities for ranching, sheep-breeding, and for grain-farming, to the import of capital to develop the infrastructure of railways, docks, and commercial facilities, to the increased supply of labour through immigration, and to expansion of the frontier by building railways and destroying the Indians (1969, 94).

From the period between 1880 and 1914, Argentina’s population almost quadrupled, growing from approximately 2.5 million to nearly 8 million. In Buenos Aires this translated into a growth of nearly 850%, from 180,000 in 1869 to 1,500,000 in 1914 (Collier 1995, 23). The immigration policy succeeded in propelling Argentina into the world market. It quickly became one of Latin America’s largest business centers. Commercial agriculture and exporting, aided by one of the largest railroad systems in the world, drove the country steadfastly into modernization. Argentina clearly gained a great deal through this mass immigration, but it paid a price as well. Labor costs were low, land was horded and monopolized, and large investments from abroad left Argentina highly dependent on other world economies.

As the economy continued to grow, social stratification became more pronounced. Whitaker notes, “It stimulated the growth of both the middle class and the proletariat, and both felt defrauded of social justice and rightful participation in public affairs” (1964, 42). Many immigrants came from Europe and landed directly in the disenfranchised masses along with many of the Argentine-born. So, it wasn’t as if Europeans were coming into Buenos Aires and taking over the land and resources that rightfully belonged to the locals. Surely, that was an inevitable part of the process, but this process also left the majority of immigrants disillusioned and dejected as well. Immigration policy made it impossible for an immigrant to enjoy completely equal rights and privileges. If they were naturalized as Argentine citizens, they were obligated to serve in the military and subject to the restrictions of Argentine law, but they were not allowed privileges such as voting and holding political office. Immigrants quickly became frustrated at being treated as lower class citizens. The end result of the mass immigration, the policies surrounding it, and the disenfranchised traditionalists was the construction of a lower economic class of individuals from ethnically diverse backgrounds.

Immigration changed the ethnic make-up of Argentina so drastically, that between 1869 and 1895, the percentage of white, foreign-born residents rose from less than 20% to more than 50%. The primary sources of immigration were Italy and Spain. The other prominent ethnic groups in Argentina were Africans and Creoles. The implications of this situation were many. One such implication was the inevitable blending of cultures. This blending of cultures, as has been noted, stimulated the emergence of the tango. Another significant implication was the creation of lunfardo.

Lunfardo refers to particular type of Buenos Aires slang that combines elements of Spanish, Italian, and African languages. It can also refer to the culture that emerged from the diverse and volatile social conditions in late 19^th century Buenos Aires. As the city’s proletariat continued to grow, both in size and in ethnic diversity, lunfardo became the bond that held the disenfranchised masses together. This became the language of the people. Lunfardo was used in literature, poetry, and tango lyrics. Lunfardo also represented the search for identity. As people from various parts of the world found themselves coexisting in Buenos Aires, they searched for an identity that would betray neither the “old world” or the “new.”[7] Furthermore, all were trying to adapt to new way of life, to understand one another, and find or create a commonality. The industrial revolution, the new world economy, and technological advancements were changing living conditions at an unprecedented rate:

The former peasant, for whom the pampa was once the entire world, now felt that the world began where it once ended. The tools he or she had used to mould the environment – tools both material and conceptual – were now of little use. A new job, new rapports – everything was changing, from the smallest of daily needs to the entire urban vocabulary. As the peasant’s language was enriched by new words designating new aspects of reality – words like tram, brothel, strike – their ears, indeed their whole bodies required sonorities, rhythms, melodies and harmonies better suited to the new cadences of urban life (Penón 1988, 24).

For these Argentineans, lunfardo and tango became that commonality. Perhaps the most important word in the preceding quote from Penón is “brothel.” The brothel and prostitution became a major aspect of Argentine life in the late 19^th century, and also a major theme of the Argentine tango. According to most sources, the male to female ratio in Buenos Aires at the time was approximately 3:1, although Baim states it as 5:1. This made women a valuable commodity, and left many men frustrated. Not only did these new male immigrants compete for jobs, money, and sustenance, they competed for women as well. Much of the tangos development occurred in the whorehouses of Buenos Aires, where men competed for the companionship of women. Men would also practice their moves with one another, which has lead Jeffrey Tobin to speculate about the significance of the tango and male-bonding, or as he calls it, “homosocial desire.” In addition to the social circumstances of time, economic matters were also important.

The country’s laissez-faire economic system proposed some difficulties. Argentina’s economy was largely dependent on foreign markets, namely America and Great Britain. Foreign trade comprised more than 30% of the national income. Great Britain owned over half of the railway system and a considerable amount of stock investments. British involvement in Argentina was apparently so strong that two of Britain’s main creditors nearly went bankrupt in the Baring crisis of 1890, a crisis that, according to Ferns, “determined the future of Argentina and its relations with the rest of the world for another forty years” (1969, 102).

In 1890, the Argentine economy reached such a point that it could not produce all of which it was demanded. Foreign investors, namely the Baring Brothers and the Bank of England, faced possible bankruptcy. The crisis was resolved by stiff government intervention and the sale of the railway to a private company for 8,200,000 pounds (Ferns 1969, 106). The resolution probably saved Argentina from certain strife, as it prevented foreign investors from abandoning the country entirely. The situation, however, still left Argentina in a position of dependence on foreign economies.

In short, nearly the entire Argentine way of life was highly dependent on foreign nations. They supplied the people who lived and worked there, the majority of the money that the workers earned, as well as the market for exports. The new culture of lunfardo owed its roots to immigration, and the tango itself grew out of the multifaceted traditions of the many nationalities and ethnicities present in Buenos Aires. Though it was likely not intentional, the world economy was in a position of hegemony over Argentina. Considering these circumstances: the influx of immigration, the accelerated pace of a changing social climate, the further stratification of social classes, and an economy overly dependent on foreign nations, it becomes clear why dominance and struggle emerged as major themes of the tango.

The symbolic nature of the tango has been, since its inception, a highly controversial topic. The sexually provocative quality of the dance caused it to be rejected by many of Buenos Aires’ upper class citizens, and even condemned by the pope. Few would argue that there is no sexual component to tango dancing. This is one of the reasons it became so popular abroad. The sexual component, though, goes beyond the tight embrace. There is a latent sexuality in nearly every aspect of the tango. From the way in which the dancers gaze at one another, to the intricate way in which the lower bodies move in synchrony. Carlos Saura brilliantly depicted this in his 1998 film “Tango.” Moreover, this symbolism goes beyond the sexual. It also relates to Argentine issues involving gender, race, class, and identity. These issues, when analyzed through the symbolism of the tango, are often interwoven and therefore difficult to separate from one another. They can, however, be somewhat simplified in that struggle and survival are the ultimate issues penetrating identity–both personal and national–gender, race, and class. For, through their struggle to survive, Argentines shaped their modern conceptions of these social constructs.

Feminist critic Susan McClary considers music as a construct of gender identity and relations. From a sociological perspective, music and dance are one in the same, as each is a social vehicle that shapes and is shaped by prevailing social attitudes. Susan McClary’s statement about the social coding in music could easily serve as a model for interpreting both the music and the dance of the tango:

The codes marking gender difference in music [and dance] are informed by the prevalent attitudes of their time. But they also themselves participate in social formation, inasmuch as individuals learn how to be gendered beings through their interactions with cultural discourses such as music [and dance]. Moreover, music [and dance do] not just passively reflect society; [they] also serve[s] as a public forum within which various models of gender organization (along with many other aspects of social life) are asserted, adopted, contested, and negotiated. (McClary 1991, 7)

As lower class Argentines danced the formation of their gender identities, upper class Argentines dismissed the tango as corruptive, low class entertainment.

Condemnation of the tango by the pope and the upper classes further complicated the Argentine gender problem, as many women would not engage in tango dancing for fear of their reputations. The tango endured much criticism from religious figures, such as the Cardinal Archbishop of Paris:

We condemn the dance imported from abroad known under the name of the tango, which, by its nature, is indecent and offensive to morals, and in which Christians may not in conscience take part. It will therefore, be the duty of confessors to take notice of this in the administration of the sacrament of penance (Baim 1997, 73).

Men already outnumbered women at least threefold. This condemnation intensified the widespread rejection of the tango by the upper class women and increased the ratio even more. As a result, men began frequenting brothels, not only for companionship, but to practice their tango dancing. Additionally, men would practice with one another on the barrio streets of Buenos Aires. Given that the male/female ratio was so disproportionate, this seems unremarkable, yet it is significant in overall scheme of the tango. With whom were the men to practice when women were not available? This question has two answers. The first is to go where the women are, that is, women who would dance the tango. Given that the majority of the upper class women rejected it, this left the brothel as the most likely place to find, among other things, a dancing partner. The second answer is to practice with one another. As noted earlier, Tobin finds this to be indicative of “homosocial desire.” Some have argued that this is “homosexual desire.” Carlos Saura’s film “Tango” features a male-to-male and a female-to-female tango scene, both of which are blatantly sexual. But aside from speculation, there is little evidence to support tango as indicative of homosexuality. Tobin argues that the practice of men practicing the tango with other men continued long after the gender ratio evened out, and still continues today. “Fieldwork in the contemporary Buenos Aires tango scene reveals that many men continue to spend much of their time on the dance floor in the arms of other men despite the availability of female partners” (Washabaugh 1998, 91). Others have offered various reasons for male-to-male tango dancing. Some believe it was result of the disproportionate gender ratio; others because men wanted to perfect their skills with one another so they could later impress a woman. Ferrari suggests, “this is how men transmit their knowledge to one another” (1998).

Further support is given to this hypothesis by the fact that male friendship was a value highly regarded by the compadrito. “Macho men only care about the true passion of male friendship” (Savigliano 1995, 45). In the crime-laden streets of late 19^th century Buenos Aires, it is conceivable to think that one would need a strong support system, for the sake of individual safety. Knife fights were frequent occurrences in the brothels. More friends meant more protection.

Clearly, there is merit in Tobin’s concept of “homosocial desire” given that male-to-male tango dancing continues today, but the tango’s implications on gender are many. Men and women are prescribed distinctive tango identities: a man of tango is called a tanguero, a woman a milonguita. The man is portrayed as “macho” (competitive, seductive, often violent), the woman as a “victim” (submissive, helpless, sometimes deceptive). The male stereotype was shaped by the intense social competition. It was survival of the fittest in the most Darwinian sense.

The theory of evolution offers a great deal of insight into how these gender roles became so defined. The man who has the best dancing skill is the most likely to obtain the affection of a woman, hence the erotic component of tango. The most macho, seductive[8], dominant male always wins. The female, being a minority, is free to choose among the best. Her skill as a dancer likely mattered little, since the competition was man to man. Natural selection distinguished the strong from the weak, and this environment favored the wealthy far more than the poor. Money, after all, is a form of power.

As the struggle for survival ensues, alternate means of existence are often explored. This leads to another male stereotype that Savigliano refers to as the “whiny ruffian.” Tango lyrics frequently lament the unfortunate social position of the poor Argentine male. This indicates an alternate attempt at survival in the form of soliciting pity:

The ruffians of tango confessed strategically. By making a public display of their whining, they simultaneously admitted their defeats and justified their wrongdoings. They were entering the class/sex struggle from a perspective invested in pain, frustration, and anger. The audience of these ruffianesque confessions was made up of whoever could share the ruffian’s pain, anger and resentment. Wealthy men proved their access to two kinds of women: rich (wives) and poor (milongueras). Ruffians and pimps had access only to the women of their own class and were frequently dispossessed of even them. Wealthier women were beyond their reach. Those unattainable women were precisely the ones who could make a difference favorable to the compadritos in the class/sex competition of the tango world. The compadrito’s confession was meant to elicit the sympathies of those wealthier women to whom he had no other access. (Savigliano 1995, 64)

Evolutionary theory offers a great deal of insight as to the formation gender stereotypes that emerged within the context of the tango. The environment in which the tango surfaced created a situation that necessitated male-to-male competition and resulted in female victimization. The male, in order to compete, to survive, was forced to adopt dominance, or, if he failed to do so, elicit pity, also a form of power acquisition. Alfred Adler’s psychological theory holds that people often attempt to gain and exercise power over others through pity. The female, helplessly victimized, devised ways in which she could profit from such victimization and thus became deceptive, playing out the role of victim to its ultimate end.

Herein lies the social significance of the female’s role as deceptive, submissive, and victim. In the tango, man is clearly seen as leader, woman as follower, but the demographics of late 19^th century Argentina raise questions as to the merit of this situation. A gender ratio of three men for every woman would likely place women in a position of power. As men of both upper and lower classes competed in the brothels, women were clearly in the position of choosing with whom they would or would not dance, with whom they would or would not have relations. Perhaps even deciding who was and wasn’t allowed in the brothel. Women were clearly in a position of power over men, at least in the social arena of the brothel. Even with the power balance tipped in their favor, the submissive role of women in society in general at this time, however, contributed to the development of a dual role for women.

The following lyric exemplifies the role of the female as deceptive, unfeeling, and unfaithful:

It was the social circumstances that led women to be seen as such. Women faced adversities that men did not. Baim states:

It cannot go without mention that the main concern of all the anti-tango salvos launched by the clergy was the degradation of women, the immodest and immoral behavior of women who dance, and the affect on home and society when women lose their sense of decency and propriety. Not one word is directed toward men who dance. (1997, 74)

As a consequence, women of the tango developed a dual role of both victim and victimizer. That is not to say the women exercised an overt power over men. Rather they used deception to their advantage. Left with limited opportunities for independence, the women of tango used whatever tools they had at their disposal to increase their chance of survival. “The women aimed at improving their embodied lives, which in that context meant gaining a more rewarding exploitation” (Savigliano 1995, 70). If the tango is symbolic of a man’s struggle to dominate women, it appears that he had gargantuan task. Strategically speaking, the woman was in a much more advantageous position.

The brothel may have provided opportunities of women, but it was also important for men, particularly those of the lower class. It was one of few venues in which the oppressed could confront his oppressor. By out-tangoing his oppressor, the oppressed male was validating his own existence, providing hope for a better future, and somehow blurring the boundary that distinguished him from his upper class counterpart.

A further implication of the brothel and tango competition was social mobility. Class divisions are based on wealth, status, and material possessions. While dancing skill is not a material possession, it represents something that the poor, dispossessed, and lower class individual has, which his bourgeois counterpart does not. In such a situation, the poor compadrito, views such skill as possible social mobility, as well as a symbolic material possession. If the bourgeois male could gain the affection of a lower class woman through the tango, could the lower class male obtain a bourgeois woman in the same manner? Evidence indicates that it wasn’t possible, but surely the thought had occurred to the proletariat tanguero. The tango offered the tanguero the illusion of social mobility, and hence, greater survival odds. The tango, therefore, was utilized differently in the different socioeconomic classes. For the lower class, the tango was a way out, an opportunity to escape the bonds of oppression. For the upper class, it was a means of obtaining sex without commitment, oppressing the lower class, and of escaping the strictures of a conservative, religiously bound, upper class lifestyle through “slumming” in the lower classes.

The dance itself, in fact, can also be viewed as symbolic of class struggle. The male (bourgeois), works fervently to keep control over the female (proletariat). The female, though an independent, autonomous being, must submit to his control and choreograph her movements around him: “She is never allowed as in other dances to escape the man’s embrace and must execute the most complex figures of the legs with her upper body immobile in a stylized, tense embrace, totally overpowered by the male” (Taylor 1976, 282). Similarly, the poor must live in a world controlled by the wealthy. Those with the wealth have greater power in the political arena, stronger social presence, and more economic control. Their behavior largely dictates the policies set forth by the government, which in turn influence and dictate the behavior of those under its rule. Like the milonguitas, the oppressed must find ways by which they can exploit their exploitation. Such was the case of the “whiny ruffian.” While the government policies were designed to favor the wealthy, the poor could dance their way in and out of, or around the policies to procure benefits for themselves.

This scenario is certainly indicative of the context in which the tango emerged. Washabaugh states, “The social historical context in which Argentine tango emerged in the 1890s had everything to do with the poor who were crushed into the urban poverty of Buenos Aires as a result of the implementation of economic policies by a development-minded government in the last half of the nineteenth century” (1998, 17). Unfortunately, development is not a cost-free endeavor. Argentina paid for its commitment to modernization, and as is usually the case when a nation suffers, those at the bottom suffer the most. Not only do they suffer economically, for they certainly have a considerable struggle competing for employment, housing, and sustenance; they also struggle to adapt to a changing world. For these individuals, the tango was a means of expressing loss–the loss of a way of life.

Castro states, “The Argentine tango in its stages of development prior to World War I . . . was very much an example of the ‘human condition’ in that it was the dance and musical vehicle of the urban poor, the socially unacceptable, the disenfranchised, and the disinherited of the Argentine littoral [coastal region]” (1990, 89). Through the tango, the disenfranchised expressed their disenfranchisement. As they were forced further and further into the margins of society, the tango became their resistance and their sanctuary. Through it, they attempted to hold on to familiar values, feelings, and ways of life, as they watched them slip away. Expressions of remorse over the changing conditions in Argentina are common lyrical themes in tangos:

As the compadre’s lifestyle became less and less sustainable, the realization that imminent change lie in the near future was undeniable. “The tango became, in many senses, the symbolic refuge of the urban Creole population against the rapid destruction of familiar values, of a familiar physical urban environment, and in the relative importance in the development of modern Argentine . . . society” (Castro 1990, 91). This was likely the first time in Argentina’s history that its people were dealing with such distinct social stratification. For the years before independence from Spain, Argentina was simply a colony. Colonization inevitably involves despotism, exploitation, as well as other social injustices, but amidst the atrocities of colonization, the colonized become unified. The lower classes of Argentina shared that common unity, until social stratification weakened the bond. Some climbed the social ladder, while others did not. Some met with economic success, while others remained impoverished. Such class distinctions served to dissolve the social bond of the Argentine proletariat. Those who were previously considered brothers and sisters became distanced by the class boundary.

The tango is undoubtedly a dance characterized by closeness. “But it can also be a dance with great emotional distance between two physically close partners” (Santiago 1993, 154). While Argentines experienced the emotional distance created by their class affiliations, they lived in a physically close environment. In this environment, the lower classes struggled to find unity amongst themselves, while simultaneously competing with one another. The tango, then, can also be seen as symbolic of intra- as well as inter-class competition. An individual of lower social status had to compete with both the oppressed and the oppressor.

The situation in late 19^th century Argentina also created significant racial tensions. These tensions were not only part of the tango’s emergence, they played a role in its development as well. “The overemphasis on creating a ‘Europe in America’ by the Argentine ruling elites after 1862, the denigration of the Creole population and American nativism by the European oriented elites are important factors in the evolution of the tango, particularly in its themes” (Castro 1990, 91). Additionally, the lower classes of Argentina were ethnically diverse. Men of all different races were competing for the limited female population. According to Savigliano, “Men of all races were competing for the favors of the same women; in this scenario, blacks were seen as outsiders, but were mastering the dance that gave them these women” (1995, 42). White immigrants, furthermore, enjoyed better chances at social mobility. These are all integral parts of the tango and its history:

The tango dance emerged from these racial and class conflicts and competed for a place of its own among the dances that were already being danced pending, as always, benediction in the cultural empires of the world. Men’s and women’s bodies displayed tensions of the “correct” and the “incorrect,” of the “civilized” and the “primitive,” of the authentic” and the “parody,” and all these tensions were sexualized so as to render the conflicts natural, universal, and unavoidable (Savigliano 1995, p.32).

There is little evidence to show that overt racism existed in late-19^th-century Argentina. Research has not indicated the existence of racist government policies, such as those that existed in the United States. However, the blending of cultures and races is almost inevitably accompanied by tension, regardless of where it takes place. The social tensions of the period in Argentina were racial in the respect that economic advancement was a largely White European ideal, and tradition and simplicity were values held by the Creoles. Specific values, ideas, and aspirations were associated with particular ethnic groups. While European immigrants owned the majority of the political power, wealth, and land, the African, Native, and Creole population were pushed further into subversion not as a result of their lack of ability to compete, but for their adherence to different belief systems.

The tango’s multicultural, multiracial background was a further element in its condemnation by the elite. Africans, many of whom were ex-slaves, were instrumental in the tango’s creation. In fact, some of the tango’s most distinctive elements–the sudden pauses (cortes) and erratic movements (quedabras)–owe their heritage to the African-Argentine population. The elite were reluctant to accept an art form originated in the barrio primarily by non-White races. As a result, a large part of the tango’s development took place out of the public eye. Argentina’s upper classes used these circumstances as premises for rejection, but Europeans took a different view. When the tango appeared in Europe around the turn of the century, it became immensely popular, especially in Paris. To the Europeans, the tango was an exotic, exciting phenomenon; its association with non-White ethnicities made it so. Savigliano devotes a large part of her book, Tango and the Political Economy of Passion, to this process, which she calls exoticism.

After the European exoticization of the tango took place, it was re-imported to Argentina, where it now gained acceptance. “Therefore, the tango when dominated by racially mixed creoles [mestizos] was rejected by the elite as being ‘barbaric.’ It was only accepted as being civilized when ‘whitened’ through re-importation from Europe in the period just prior to World War I” (Castro 1990, 92). Through this process it also became a national Argentine symbol. The Argentine elite may have rejected the tango on the premise of barbarism, but they had little or no control over its exportation to Europe and the acceptance it gained there. Since the elite looked to Europe as the way of future, continued rejection of the tango would run contradictory to their ideology. Therefore, it is suspect whether or not their opinion of the tango actually changed, for their acceptance of it would have occurred regardless. In hindsight, this seems predictable:

It is not surprising that a high society made up of people whose ancestors were European immigrants, and who distinguished themselves from lower classes by trying to be as Europeanized as possible, would wait for the approval of the tango by persons of their own social class before accepting its repatriation to Buenos Aires (Baim 1997, 98).

Similar circumstances have occurred elsewhere. The United States, in its early years often sought cultural direction from Europe. America failed to produce a major international composer for hundreds of years because its composers emulated the European masters. When Antonin Dvorak visited America in the late 19^th century, he found that American composers were neglecting to draw on indigenous music for material. Drawing on these sources, Dvorak composed his New World Symphony, a work that changed the musical future of America. Later composers, such as Aaron Copeland became very successful composing art music based on folk themes. Therefore, the folk music of America was seen as insignificant, until validated by a respected European composer. Argentine and American elites alike sought an identity in lands far and abroad, only to find it in their own back yard. They looked to Europe for future direction, and they found products of their own design, products they failed to recognize as legitimate.

Several processes complicated the search for a national identity. First, the immigrants had left their homeland to start anew in Argentina, and in doing so left a certain part of their identity behind. Second, gaining Argentine citizenship came with few benefits for immigrants. It was noted earlier that naturalization as an Argentine citizen was accompanied by obligatory military service and fewer civil rights. “As a result, the vast majority of foreign-born residents remained aliens; in 1914 only 2.3 percent of them had been naturalized in Buenos Aires, and less than half that many in the rest of the country” (Whitaker 1964, 59). Considering the fact that immigrants comprised the majority of the Argentine population, particularly in Buenos Aires, the country was left in a rut between the old world and the new. Without a clear sense of loyalty to either, they were as a group, without an object of identification.

This implies an important aspect of the Argentine identity – uncertainty, or ambiguity. “The tango reflects this Argentine ambivalence. Although a major symbol of national identity, the tango’s themes emphasize a painful uncertainty as to the precise nature of that identity” (Taylor 1998, 3). The back and forth motion of the tango offers the interpretation of ambiguity; perhaps even of frustration since the bodies seem to struggle to no avail. This frustration is often expressed in tango lyrics:

Consequentially, they searched for something with which to identify. They combined the various elements of the class to which they belonged and formed their own identity; one that was legitimate in their eyes, even if it was disregarded by those of higher social status.

Enveloped in the chaotic and frenzied events of the time: social inequality, economic strife, gender imbalance, racial tensions, political uncertainty and civil unrest, Argentine’s discovered their identity, whether consciously or not. Perhaps, as Savigliano holds, they discovered more than one identity. “There was never just one tango; tangos took and gave – conflictively, ironically, pathetically, politically – an aestheticized melodrama of boiling social despair. I cannot forget that tangos and wars were born together” (Savigliano 1995, 128). Amidst struggle and survival the tango was born. It endured its own struggles for survival, and in the end it lived to represent the perseverance and strength of the Argentine people.

The interpretation of music and dance, as well as the other arts, is a highly subjective endeavor. History too is a subjective topic. Historians rely on hard evidence from which to draw conclusions; yet historical documentation can only take the historian so far. It reveals the facts, a manifest of events, and occasionally an interpretation of the events. Some would argue that looking back on a particular part in time from the present offers a more comprehensive and objective vantage point, but the historian is at a natural disadvantage. He or she has the task of relating and interpreting experiences for which he or she was not present. Such a process is inevitably subjective. If this were not the case, history would be a largely uneventful field. This, however, is not the case. As such, the interpretation of history is constantly being revised. Newly discovered evidence forces historians to change previous interpretations and historical research is ongoing, in hope of creating a more comprehensive picture of the past. That being said, it must be acknowledged that the ideas contained herein, as well as the contributing sources, are articles of both fact and opinion.

There are tangueros and milonguitas (now called tangueras) in modern Argentina who reject the idea that the tango is bound to the forces of gender, race, class and identity, and hold that it is only about dancing. To paraphrase Freud: sometimes a dance is just a dance. Furthermore, there are individuals who believe that art is insignificant, merely a form of entertainment and irrelevant to the understanding of human nature. This paper has been approached from the opposite position: that humans are creatures of curiosity; that they seek to explore manners of living that stretch beyond simply existing; and that they seek meaning, purpose, and beauty, among objects that satisfy the aesthetic aspect of human life. Art is one of the means through which they seek such higher experiences.

The tango gives testament to these assumptions. Furthermore, the tango exemplifies the inextricable connection between art and life. This relationship is one of symbiosis. Not only does art imitate life, life also emulates art. Just as humans have evolved as a species, so have their creations. As Susan McClary states:

For music is not the universal language it has sometimes been cracked up to be: it changes over time, and it differs with respect to geographical locale. Even at any given moment and place, it is always constituted by several competing repertories, distributed along lines of gender, age, ethnic identity, educational background, or economic class. (1991, 25)

An analysis of modern tango and its variations yields a quite different interpretation than the tangos of old. The debonair dress, the sophisticated façade, and the fancy tango clubs suggest a dance originating from the upper class. Interpretations of the dance as symbolic of pimp/prostitute, oppressor/oppressed, and bourgeois/proletariat seem somewhat less appropriate unless one is familiar with Argentina’s history. The tango continues to develop today. It is difficult to know exactly how the tango’s creators danced it, but the literature suggests that it was far different from now. The tango of late-19^th-century Argentina appears to have been less refined, less pretentious, and more honest. Social engineering has likely played a role in the tango styles exported from Argentina, but it is important to understand that Argentina today is not the same as it was 125 years ago. As the tango has developed, so has Argentina.

After World War I, the tango endured a great deal of its own struggles. Although Europe gave to the tango, the international attention it needed to flourish, its enthusiasm for tango faded after the war. European elites began to reject the dance when they discovered its seemy origins. Depending on who was in power in Argentina, the tango was either embraced or banned. This mutual oppression and struggle is what binds the tango to the Argentine people. Furthermore, the fact that the tango remains a powerful symbol of national identity speaks volumes as to its resilience:

Apart from its use for dancing, tango music is very important to the Argentine culture. Many people today who do not dance at all are actively involved in performing, preserving, and appreciating tango music. In fact, tango music and texts had cultural importance some twenty years before the dance was exported to Paris as a symbol of Argentina. The tango as song has documented the spirit, culture, and struggles of a nation of immigrants and displaced natives, savoring and enjoying the loneliness and isolation of being foreign in their own country and deeply feeling the political and economic strife that has characterized Argentine life, particularly life in Buenos Aires, throughout the country’s history (Baim 1997, 3).

Several inferences can be made from this statement. First, it supports the fact that the tango is now and has been since its inception, a source of national identity. Second, that this source of identity stretches beyond those who enjoy performing the dance. Finally, it supports the opinion that the tango is one of the most important and plentiful sources of Argentine history from the people’s perspective.

Art and society have a unique relationship to one another. Historians, musicologists, sociologists, and anthropologists look to art to understand society, as much as they look at society to understand art. Art is the means by which people express the being (in the existential sense of the word). This is why art is such a powerful social force, and it accounts for why the tango has remained an important symbol of Argentine identity. “The popularity [of the tango] has to do . . . with the depiction of the endless conflict between oppressors and oppressed: rich and poor, whitened and colored, ‘civilized’ and ‘barbaric’” (Savigliano 1995, 71).

One can only make assumptions about the tango’s future. Whether it will remain a source of national pride, as it is today, or whether it will once again fall into banishment at the hands of political figures attempting to gain control over the people, remains to be seen. What is fairly certain is that the tango will survive. As long as Argentines desire to express their Argentineness, as long as gender differences exist, as long as the blending of cultures and classes is accompanied by tension, and as long as people struggle, whether individually or collectively, the tango will exist. The fact that it has persevered thus far attests to this.

As long as tango exits, it will project the multiplicity of interpretations evident in the many voices contained in this essay. No singular interpretation could account for all the complexities of the dance and its many representations. Tango is music; tango is dance; tango is gender, class, race, and identity; tango is struggle and survival. But above all, the tango is an inseparable part of Argentina’s soul. To understand the tango is to understand the voices of those for whom it speaks, those who otherwise might not be heard.

Azzi, Maria Susana, Simon Collier, and Yo-Yo Ma. 2000. Le Grand Tango: The Life and Music of Astor Piazzolla. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Bocaz, Luis. “Tango Time; the Latin American Song and Dance That Swept the World onto its Feet.” Unesco Courier (March 1986)): 10-13.

Baim, Jo. 1997. The Tango: Icon of Culture, Music, and Dance in Argentina, Europe, and The United States from 1875 to 1925. Ph.D. diss., University of Cincinnati.

Castro, Donald S. 1990. The Argentine Tango As Social History, 1880 – 1955: The Soul of the People. San Francisco: Mellen Research University Press.

Castro, Donald S. “Popular Culture as a Source for the Historians: The Tango in its Epoca de Oro, 1917-1943.” Journal of Popular Culture 20, no. 3 (winter 1986): 45-71.

Collier, Simon, Artemis Cooper, Maria Susana Azzi, and Richard Martin. 1995. Tango: The Dance, The Song, The Story. London: Thames and Hudson.

Ferrari, Lidia. The Place of a Woman in Tango. 1998. Available from http://www.buenosairestango.com/batingles/homengFRMOD.htm. INTERNET. Accessed 5 October 2001.

Jiménez, Carlos. 1994. Liner Notes from A Passoin for Tango: Authentic Tangos from Argentina. Foil, David, The Sexteto Mayor Orchestra. Angel Records. CDC 07777 548 5721. Compact Disc.

Hernandez, Roli. 1997. The Story of Tango. Various Artists. Hemisphrere/Capitol Records. 7243 8 55646 2 8. Compact Disc.

Herndon, Marcia, and Norma McLeod. 1981. Music As Culture. Norwood Editions: Darby, PA.

Leymarie, Isabelle. “Juan Carlos Caceres: interview with the Argentine singer, instrumentalist and painter.” Unesco Courier. (October 1996): 48-52.

McClary, Susan. 1991. Feminine Endings: Music, Gender, and Sexuality. University of Minnesota Press: Minnesota, Oxford.

Moss, Chris. “Tango New Look.” Folk Roots 23, no. 1:217 (July 2001): 43-47.

Moss, Chris. “Tango Revival.” Dance Magazine 75, no. 9 (September 2000): 64-68.

Penón, Arturo, and Javier García Méndez. 1988. The Bandonion: A Tango History. Nightwood Editions: London, Ontario.

Prince, Rob. “Talkin’ Tango.” Folk Roots 13, no. 107 (May 1992): 27, 29-30.

Santiago, Chiori. “The Tango is More Than a Dance – It’s a Moment of Truth.” Smithsonian 24, no. 8 (November 1993): 152-160.

Savigliano, Marta E. 1995. Tango and the Political Economy of Passion. Westview Press: Boulder.

Savigliano, Marta E. “Whiny Ruffians and Rebellious Broads: tango as a spectacle of eroticized social tension.” Theater Journal 47, no. 1 (March 1995): 47-71.

Schecter, John M., ed. 1999. Music in Latin American Culture. Schirmer Books: New York.

Scott, Derek B., ed. 2000. Music, Culture, and Society: a reader. Oxford University Press: Oxford.

Taylor, Julie M. “Tango: Theme of a Class and Nation.” Ethnomusicology, USA 20, no. 2 (May 1976): 273-291.

Washabaugh, William, ed. 1998. The Passion of Music and Dance: Body, Gender, and Sexuality. Oxford: Berg.

Whitaker, Arthur P. 1964. Argentina. Prentice Hall Inc: Engelwood Cliffs, New Jersey.

[1] The term African-American refers not to Africans living in the United States, but to individuals of African origin living anywhere in the Americas.

[2] The sung milonga is also known as the milonga pampeana.

[3] The gaucho and the compadre have dual identities. In a rural setting (pampa) they are known by the first definition. In the city, or urban environment, they are known by the second description stated here. Later, the compadre became the term for a male tango dancer.

[4] La Cumparsita, generally considered the most famous tango, was actually written by a Uruguayan composer.

[5] All analyses of musical works contained in this section are according to Hernandez 1997.

[6] The term Creole refers to Argentine-born individuals of European descent.

[7] Modern historians generally reject the idea of America as the “New World”. The terms old and new world are used here as specific to the immigrant’s circumstances.

[8] Seduction here is symbolic of having power over a woman, and hence, over other men competing for the same woman.